Jingwen Wu
Ph.D. Candidate in Government, The University of Texas at Austin
Department of Government
The University of Texas at Austin
On the 2026–27 academic job market
Welcome!
I am a Ph.D. candidate in Government at the University of Texas at Austin. I study comparative politics and international relations, with a focus on digital politics, authoritarian governance, and East Asia. My research examines how digital technologies shape political behavior, state strategy, and governance.
My dissertation, Politics in the Digital Age, advised by Tiffany D. Barnes, argues that digital infrastructure is not a neutral public good but a strategic variable that governments calibrate for regime survival. It follows that choice through three stages: when governments provide connectivity, how connectivity shapes human rights practices across regime types, and how states regulate the platforms that follow.
Beyond the dissertation, I study artificial intelligence and political authority: how states use prediction to govern, how citizens judge algorithmic decisions, and how AI systems answer political questions. My broader interests include the gendered consequences of digital inequality and political development in East Asia.
My work has appeared in the Journal of Peace Research and Asian Survey, and has been supported by the Ashley T. Judd Distinguished Graduate Fellowship (2023–24).
I hold an M.A. in Political Science from the University of Kentucky and a Master of Public Administration from Morehead State University, where I was named Outstanding MPA Student. I earned my undergraduate degree from Minzu University of China.
selected publications
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JPRThe Gender Digital Divide and Gender Gaps in Collective ActionJournal of Peace Research, 2026
Research shows that women are less likely to protest than men and have less access to cellphones. Since studies indicate that cellphones can boost protest participation, we ask whether the gender gap in mobile ownership influences gender disparities in protest turnout. We find that the growing gender digital divide in cellphone ownership exacerbates the participation gap. We use survey data from Africa to show that where women systematically own fewer cellphones than men, they protest less frequently than men. We use a variety of methodological techniques to address concerns of endogeneity. We also probe one mechanism underpinning this relationship; we demonstrate that women who do not own cellphones face a political information disadvantage that limits their engagement. We conclude that unequal cellphone access further entrenches women’s position on the political margins.
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Asian Surv.China’s Belt and Road Initiative: Economic Development or Strategic Statecraft?Asian Survey, 2024
Is China using the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to advance its economic development or to fulfill broader geopolitical objectives? While the BRI is often touted as a primarily economic venture to address domestic overcapacity, this paper posits that political objectives are equally important. Drawing on selectorate theory, this study examines whether China uses this initiative for political purposes. Specifically, if China employs the BRI for political reasons, it would be more likely to partner with authoritarian countries that are more amenable to political influence. Using logistic and Cox models to analyze data from 2013 to 2020, findings suggest that political considerations are as relevant as economic ones. This research contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the BRI within global political and economic contexts and explains China’s international strategy.
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HandbookMixed Member Systems, Corruption, and Accountability: Evidence from TaiwanIn Gender and Corruption in Democracies: A Handbook, Edward Elgar, 2024
Are citizens more likely to punish women politicians for corruption than men? Previous studies have shown that women politicians are held to higher standards than men. Gender stereotypes hold that women should exhibit traits such as honesty, compassion, and moral purity, and thus less likely than men to engage in corruption. When women violate these gendered expectations and are implicated in corruption scandals, it could lead to harsher backlash at the polls, above and beyond the response elicited by male politicians who were initially held to lower or different standards. We investigate this question in the unique cultural and historical context of Taiwan, arguing that cultural and institutional differences may condition voters’ desire to punish corruption at the polls, providing important insights into the impact of gender on voter accountability.
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Asian Surv.Cleaning Up Its Act: The Ecological Environmental Protection Plan and China Urban Air PollutionAsian Survey, 2023
The urgent and global concern of environmental problems transcends local and regional boundaries, posing significant challenges for policymakers in developing countries. Amid conflicting economic and environmental goals, evaluating the efficacy of regulatory policies becomes increasingly critical. This study investigates the effectiveness of public policy in incentivizing developing nations to prioritize environmental regulation, with a specific focus on China's most recent environmental policy, the Ecological Environmental Protection Plan (the EEP Plan). Using multilevel modeling and difference-in-differences estimation with data from six of China’s most populous cities between 2014 and 2019, we see evidence of air quality improvements following the implementation of the policy. Furthermore, we observe greater enhancements in air quality in the cities most affected by the institutional details of the policy.